Russell Simmons, R. Kelly, and Why Black Women Can’t Say #MeToo
Shanita Hubbard | The New York Times
There’s an intersection in almost every hood that teaches young girls lessons about power, racism and sexism. In the projects, where I grew up, I had to pass it almost every day to get home from school.
This intersection is where some of the guys from the neighborhood would stand around, play music, trash-talk about which artist should hold the title of greatest rapper, and then, suddenly, turn into dangerous predators when young girls walked by.
This is where young girls like me learned to shrink into ourselves and remain silent.
On this intersection, like so many others in the world, your body and sense of safety were both up for grabs.
On a good day, if you and a girlfriend remained silent, walking past the group of “corner dudes,” who were all about 15 years your senior and screaming about what they would do to your 12-year-old body, would be a short-lived experience.
On other days, especially if you were walking alone, things would escalate quickly. One of the men would grab your butt and you would pretend you didn’t feel it.
Fighting back would make things worse:
If you resisted, they would scream at you, curse at you and, in one particular case, attempt to follow you home until you ran inside a store and waited them out. But cross this intersection enough times and such things start to feel normal.
The normalization of predatory behavior manifests itself in many forms. It’s not yet clear how the black community will respond to the news that icons like Russell Simmons and Tavis Smiley are among those men who have been accused of sexual misconduct. (Both deny the accusations.)
Unlike when the accusations were made against Harvey Weinstein, however, we have yet to see a flood of prominent figures publicly stand with the victims.
What is clear is that too many of us still perform mental gymnastics, of the sort deployed during Woody Allen movies, to justify attending R. Kelly concerts, despite years of reports about him victimizing young girls. For some of us, the basis for this cognitive dissonance was established at a very young age.
From my years passing through that intersection, I came to believe — wrongly — that a person can be a victim only if those committing the offenses against her had great power.
By any definition, the corner guys had very little power — and they themselves were victims of those who did.
They were victims of a type of power that drove through that same intersection, snatched people away from their families and out of the community for decades. This type of power could stop and frisk them, and return to its patrol cars and proceed with its day.
On a good day, if these guys were alone and remained silent without resisting, the consequences wouldn’t be as severe. A few cops would pull up, pat them down, curse at them, beat them up and scream for them to get off the cor ner.
On other days, especially if the corner guys were in a large group, things could escalate quickly. Sometimes a corner dude wouldn’t make it home that night.
This state-sanctioned abuse at the hands of police evoked, and continues to evoke, a community response that literally and figuratively calls for the protection of these young men, and rightfully so. A community is right to fight against over-policing and brutality. It should encourage victims of police violence to speak up and put pressure on local politicians to take a stand.
But when your community fights for those same people who terrorize you, it sends a very complicated and mixed message.
Even worse, sometimes the community members fighting back consist of young women who were once the little girls walking home from school doing their best to be invisible in hopes of avoiding what nobody ever called sexual assault.
This sends the message that your pain is not a priority.
It tells you that perhaps you are not a victim, because those who are harming you are also being harmed and we need to focus our energy on protecting them.
After all, their lives are at stake.
#MeToo is triggering memories of that corner that I’ve tucked away for 20 years because I’ve been taught there are greater needs in the community.
Perhaps this is part of the reason studies indicate only one in 15 African-American women report being raped.
We’ve seen the unchecked power of white men ravish our communities, and we carry the message of “not right now” when it comes to addressing our pain if the offender is black.
Maybe this is why more victims of sexual assault within the hip-hop community have not come forward.
Is it possible that black women who work in hip-hop are silent victims, with pain they have been conditioned not to prioritize?
I suspect this is true — but I can’t say with certainty.
How can these women who live at the proverbial intersection of race and sexism, who grew up crossing that corner, ever be a part of the national #MeToo conversation when they can’t be heard in their own community?
The intersection of race, class, sexism and power is dangerous, and the most vulnerable women among us must navigate it alone.
They are terrorized, then expected to fight for those who terrorized them because a seemingly greater predator is at large.
Their faces will never grace the cover of Time magazine, and in some cases their silence will never be broken, if they hold the same false notions of power and victimhood that I once clung to when the cognitive dissonance became too strong.
Comments
Analysis
Alabama Humiliates Trump, Emboldens Democrats and Strikes Blow for Decency
Defeat of tainted candidate GOP Roy Moore undermines Bannon-inspired populist intifada
Chemi Shalev | Haaretz
Like generals, politicians and pundits are apparently doomed to prepare for the previous campaign.
A series of Republican victories in recent years, which culminated in Donald Trump’s sensational election as president, created a working assumption that in a close race in Alabama, the angry white majority will always prevail.
The voters of Alabama, however – especially African-Americans – proved on Tuesday that in a true democracy, precedents are never binding, trends are always reversible and surprises have become routine.
The victory of Doug Jones, whose past as an Alabama attorney includes vigorous prosecution of white supremacists, over Roy Moore, who is accused of sexual harassment and statutory rape, highlights the pitfalls of conventional wisdom.
Alabama after all is one of the most racist and conservative states in America, it hasn’t elected a Democratic senator in over a quarter of a century and its white voters harbor the same kind of resentment and rejection of moralizing political correctness that gave Trump 62% of its vote in 2016.
The assumption was that if Alabamans could ignore the myriad charges of sexual harassment that have been leveled against Trump, and if they were undeterred by his reactionary and arguably racist statements, then a Republican victory in Alabama, even though the party had fielded a problematic and tainted candidate, was a foregone conclusion.
What wasn’t taken sufficiently into account was the possibility that Trump’s election and his first year in office had changed reality itself.
The Trump effect pushed African Americans, who had remained indifferent to Hillary Clinton, to come out in droves on Tuesday to vote, less for the Democrats and more against Moore.
It compelled moderate Republicans to stay home or to vote for the first time in their lives for a Democratic candidate. And it weakened the resolve of college-educated white women, who unbelievably gave Moore a majority, but one that was still far smaller than Trump’s and far below the bare minimum necessary to ensure a GOP win.
The news for Democrats in particular and for liberals in general was overwhelmingly positive.
NOT ONLY did they extract a narrow, come-from-behind victory from the jaws of probable defeat,
NOT ONLY was the GOP majority in the Senate whittled down to a bare 51-49, NOT ONLY did Trump sustain a humiliating loss of face and,
NOT ONLY was the party infused with renewed belief in its ability to turn both houses of Congress in the upcoming November, 2018 Congressional elections, the Alabama results showed America and the world that U.S.A. politics still has RED LINES.
That outrageousness has its limits;
That the inciting and divisive politics initiated by Trump and Steve Bannon is not a sure-fire formula that guarantees success;
That even in the dark times of Trump, American democracy still has enough antibodies in its veins to STOP EVIL – BLOCK DEPRAVITY – and PREVENT SERIAL SEX OFFENDERS FROM BEING ELECTED to the highest posts in the realm.
Marking winners and losers on the Republican side is more complex.
Trump, who supported Moore’s rival Luther Strange in the GOP primaries but then pushed him with all his might, certainly suffered a devastating blow to his prestige.
After the thumping of Republicans in November’s gubernatorial elections in Virginia, the Alabama results indicate that Trump’s support could prove toxic for Republican candidates next November.
If Trump’s exhortations couldn’t carry a conservative, anti-establishment right-wing state like Alabama, GOP candidates will think twice before begging Trump for his endorsement.
His ability to pressure rebellious GOP lawmakers by threatening to withhold his support has thus been significantly weakened.
An even bigger loser is Bannon, who campaigned furiously on behalf of Moore.
Bannon sought to duplicate Trump’s winning formula and to carry out a populist, racist, isolationist, alt-Right revolution that would destroy the old GOP establishment in the process.
Bannon arrogantly assumed that populist momentum along with personal loyalty to Trump are so strong they would outweigh the effect of the eight women who stepped forward to accuse Moore of sexual harassment.
Bannon would have turned into a Republican kingmaker, if Moore had won.
After Bannon’s loss, his many rivals, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, are bound to draw their long knives in an effort to quell his populist drive and to expel him from politics altogether.
Small wonder that anti-Bannon Republicans could hardly conceal their glee on Tuesday night at the loss of their party’s candidate.
Moore’s loss is also a win for the #MeToo movement of women who have stepped forward to tell of past harassment and molestation by powerful men.
If Alabama can reject its sexual predators, then no politician is exempt from accounting for conduct unbecoming in his past.
The exception, of course, is Trump, who was elected despite the testimonies of numerous women about his problematic behavior.
Trump has tried to bury the affair by ignoring it or by denying the allegations against him, but the defeat of Moore’s similar tactics could very well increase pressure on Congress to investigate the charges against Trump and will increase Democratic calls for his resignation.
Moore’s defeat is a triumph for light over darkness, for decency over depravity, for integrity over anarchy.
Nonetheless, one shouldn’t forget that Moore was a particularly preposterous candidate or that Alabama, in the end, is just Alabama, one of the most neglected and backward states in the Union.
Trump, meanwhile, stays in the White House and remains the most powerful man in the world.
The aftershocks of the Alabama elections won’t be completely detectable until Trump’s overall reaction to his defeat is known. His first tweet on Tuesday night was surprisingly restrained and respectable, though Democrats hope that he will soon react wildly and in character to his public humiliation.
In that way Trump could bolster their conviction that Alabama was no outlier, but a sign of an impending redemption that will materialize in 11 months in the November 2018, Congressional elections.
Ms Hubbard, they can’t say ‘me too’ because, unlike white women, when black men – your supposed “strong brave, courageous,” militant black men proclaiming to take on the fight against white power – said to black women “you have to let us practice rape on you so that we can perfect it on the white woman.” What did you/black women do? Did you/black women say NO! This is wrong because raping any woman is wrong regardless of skin color. Or did you/black women willingly accommodate them to get back at whitey, even though white women were/are victims as much as black women. So how can black women say ‘me too’ when it was inevitable that allowing and agreeing to being raped would lead to the normalization, thus acceptance of this now standard practice within their group.
Here’s a few other points I would like to make. One of my female professors, a black Jamaican, during what was a mentor/mentee meeting BRAGGED to me that white men used to grope her all the time. I felt it was more wishful thinking on her part given the fact that she reveled in the revelation. Imagine how shocked I was to hear this coming from a woman in a position deserving of respect. My other point is, why do black women feel the need to brag to other women about their privates being sore alluding to their sexual encounters. I went to a CUNY college that had a fairly large percentage of blacks (I chose that particular college because it was the only CUNY college to offer a dual degree in elementary general education and special education) so I was often exposed to their conversations that were always about their sex life. I swear I’m not making this up, but on one occasion while I was sitting in the cafeteria having a snack, a female student who was sitting with a group of other students, suddenly took out a roll of toilet paper from her bag to show them that she has to use a specific brand of toilet paper to wipe her p**** because it was very tender and that toilet paper in the campus bathrooms were too rough. Actually, if you had heard the conversation in its raw tone you would have cringed. The conversation was laced with a lot of “this nigga b***h. Is being raped, groped by white men, and brute sex status markers for black females? Is that why they won’t say me too?